(This post is meant to persuade you to vote. If you already want to vote but don’t have a concrete voting plan, check out this post.)
In 10th grade civics class I learned about two moral arguments in favor of voting in elections. The first of these appeals to a notion of civic duty: as a citizen of a democracy, you have a moral duty to vote in elections. The second is about political efficacy: your vote could determine the outcome of an election, which can make your town, or state, or country, or the world, a better place. Put simply, an appeal to political efficacy says that your vote matters.
At the time I thought the political efficacy argument was a silly one. Sure, an election you’re voting in could be decided by one vote, but the probability of that is very small. On the other hand, the civic duty argument appealed to me. Intuitively, “you ought to vote” is a pretty good principle for a society to have, because without it the democratic system wouldn’t function.
Nowadays I don’t know what I think of the civic duty argument — I kind of like it but have some reservations. On the other hand, I now believe that the argument from political efficacy is entirely, spectacularly correct.
Concretely, I wasn’t wrong about the probability of one vote changing an election outcome — it is indeed small! A good argument for political efficacy doesn’t deny that; instead, it says: the effect of your vote if it does sway the election is really high — high enough that voting is the right thing to do, even if it comes at a small personal cost. My goal in this post is to persuade you of this argument — I think it’s surprisingly accurate even if you don’t live in a state where the outcome is expected to be close! For the most part I’ll talk about the presidential election, but I’ll briefly touch on other elections at the end of the post.
(By the way, I’m not going to argue that it’s in your selfish interest to vote; whether that’s true mostly depends on whether you feel good about voting. Instead I’ll argue that voting is the ethically correct thing to do, because (in expectation) it will make the world a better place.)
A good way to make decisions is to think about their consequences in expectation, or on average over the possible outcomes, weighted by how likely they are. Should you go racing down the highway? Probably not: although it will most likely be fun, there’s a good chance of you or someone else getting seriously hurt, and that’s not worth it. Should you go skydiving? Probably, if it sounds like fun: although there’s a chance of dying, that chance is super low, and it’s probably worth the risk. The principle here is that you weigh the pros and cons by multiplying the consequences (positive and negative) by how likely they are to transpire.
In this same spirit, most likely your vote won’t change the outcome of the election and nothing will change as a result of the hour you spend voting. But on the off chance that your vote decides the election, the consequences are enormous. So, to figure out the expected value of your vote, you need to multiply the probability that your vote is decisive by the magnitude of the consequences if your vote proves to tip the election. We therefore need to estimate both of these numbers.
Estimating the probability that your vote is decisive turns out not to be that hard! It’s by no means trivial — you need a good probabilistic model of the presidential election — but luckily we already have one. There are several prominent 2020 presidential election models, one of which is published by The Economist. If you scroll down to “Key states”, you’ll see a column called “chance of voter deciding election”. If you live in New Hampshire, congratulations — as of October 6th, there is a one in 6.9 million chance that your vote will decide the entire presidential election, the highest of anywhere in the country! These probabilities are orders of magnitude higher in swing states than in safe states. For example, as a New York voter I only have a one in 2 billion chance of deciding the election. Here’s a map of these probabilities.

If you want to know the probability for your state, click here, scroll down to “Key states”, and look in the “chance of voter deciding election” column.
The second question — the impact of flipping the presidential election — is much harder to answer quantitatively, but let’s try anyway. Here are just a few consequences of this election (let me know if you think I’ve significantly mis-analyzed any of these):
- President Trump has hurt the United States COVID response in many ways, including discouraging mask-wearing, interfering with CDC guidelines on testing, and most recently rejecting FDA vaccine guidelines to benefit himself politically. COVID has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives in the U.S. and it will probably claim a hundred thousand more. But the number of lives claimed will depend significantly on the response of the federal government. Electing Biden has the potential to save tens of thousands of lives for COVID-related reasons alone. And this doesn’t even factor in that millions fewer people that would catch the virus, saving hundreds of thousands from serious long-term health problems.
- The future of American healthcare depends significantly on this election. Donald Trump wants to get rid of Obamacare, whereas Joe Biden wants to expand it by adding a public option. Obamacare caused the number of uninsured Americans to drop from 47 million to 27 million. If Biden is elected and a public option is implemented, I would expect this number to drop further. If Trump is elected, I expect the number to go back up (it is likely that Obamacare will be gutted by the Supreme Court and not replaced). So, something like 30 million more Americans will be uninsured if Trump wins than if Biden does. This probably amounts to a difference of tens or hundreds of thousands of lives, as people are way less likely to seek health care such as cancer screenings if they don’t have insurance.
- The EPA estimates that the Clean Air Act prevents 230,000 premature deaths per year. Donald Trump has been weakening air pollution regulations; Biden is likely to re-strengthen them. As a ballpark guess, if these differences amount to a 10% weakening of the Clean Air Act for 10 years, re-electing Trump will again cost hundreds of thousands of lives.
- As a separate environmental issue, it seems quite plausible that Biden would pass substantial climate change legislation; the opportunity might not exist again for decades because of Republicans’ systemic advantage in the Senate. Climate change is expected to kill 250 thousand people per year in the next few decades, and more after that. If this election makes a 1% difference in the global course of climate change over the next 100 years, that amounts again to hundreds of thousands of lives. (These are mostly not American lives, but non-American lives are just as valuable!)
- Paul Krugman estimates that Trump’s trade war will cause a 2 to 3 percent decline in GDP for the duration of the trade war. The Bank of Finland estimates the decline at 0.7%. Let’s compromise and say that the actual decline is 1%, and say that Trump’s re-election will make the trade war last for four more years than it would otherwise. The global GDP is $80 trillion, so a 1% decline for four years is a cost of $3.2 trillion. How do we compare this enormous dollar amount to our previous “lives lost” metric? The United States government values a life at 5 to 10 million dollars, meaning that it considers a life-saving measure worth implementing if it costs less than 5 to 10 million dollars per life. This number is likely substantially lower in lower-income countries, so let’s say that on average $1 million saves a life. If these calculations are right, the trade war has cost millions of lives.
- Before Trump took office, the United States took in 70 thousand refugees per year. Trump has steadily brought that number down to near zero. So having Trump for four more years will deny hundreds of thousands of refugees a home in America — often a matter of life and death, and nearly always a huge difference in quality of life.
Now, maybe you think the trade war was worth it, or that the economic costs of air pollution regulations outweigh their benefits, or that Biden’s policies are equally bad. I would disagree, but unless the differences between the candidates magically come close to canceling out, my point still stands: The stakes are high. They’re on the order of millions of lives.
You probably see where I’m going. Say that you live in a swing state, so your chance of flipping the outcome of the election is one in a few million. If you flip the outcome, you save a few million lives. In expectation, your vote amounts to a life saved. Wow, that sure is an unexpected value!
I live in New York. I only have a one in 2 billion chance of flipping the election. My vote is only worth a thousandth of a life, also known as approximately one month. That’s right: even if you’re voting in a state as safe as New York, your vote still saves a month of a person’s life in expectation. And if you’re interested in having an even larger impact, you can try to vote swap with someone who wants to vote third party in a swing state!
(Of course, your impact is only positive if you’re voting for the candidate who is, in fact, better. In this presidential election, though, I think the choice is pretty clear.)
Note, by the way, that you don’t need to buy all of the arguments I made in the above bullet points to buy my main point. Maybe you think I mis-analyzed the consequences of the trade war; if so, the remaining bullet points still add up to a million or so lives! There are also tons of other factors — some of which may be even more important — that I’ve left off. (I’ve left off some even bigger consequences amounting to tens of millions of lives in my estimation because they’re more speculative; if you’re interested in reading about these, see this footnote.1)
What about elections besides the one for president? For the U.S. Senate, the argument for political efficacy still holds very strongly: if you live in a state with a close Senate race, it will likely be decided by just tens of thousands of votes, which means that your odds of flipping the race by voting are on the order of one in ten thousand or a hundred thousand. Since the Senate is likely to be close, flipping a seat could make a huge difference in terms of what legislation gets passed, probably amounting to a difference of at least tens of thousands of lives.
Similarly, if you live in a congressional district with a close race, your vote matters a lot. Democrats will likely keep the House of Representatives, but FiveThirtyEight gives Republicans a 6% chance of taking back the chamber (as of October 8th). In the event that the race for control of the House ends up close, it’s likely that Trump will win reelection and Republicans will control the Senate. In that case your vote may determine whether or not we have a divided federal government, which is really important in terms of which laws get passed and whether there is effective congressional oversight of the executive branch.
And of course there are local races, and those can matter a lot too. Naturally, a single local race matters less for the world than the race for president, but because there are fewer voters, your vote has a correspondingly higher chance of flipping the outcome! I don’t have numbers for you here, but my strong intuition is that it’s worth your while to vote in local races as well.
So, that was a lot of text to justify a rather simple thesis: Vote! It’s a low-effort way to do a surprisingly large amount of good.
(Edit: see saprmarks’s comment for a counterpoint.)
1. Metaculus estimates a 13% chance of global thermonuclear war by 2070, a base rate of 0.2% per year. I’d also argue that nuclear war is more likely — maybe twice as likely — under Trump than under Biden, because Trump is much more likely to act rashly. Let’s say a nuclear war is 0.2 percentage points more likely per year under a Trump administration. That’s a 0.8 percentage point increase in the probability of nuclear war over the next four years if Trump is re-elected. How many people would a nuclear war kill in expectation, including long-term consequences? Probably at least a billion (and it will cause way more people to not exist, if you care about that; adjust your calculations accordingly). That’s 8 million expected lives.
Then there’s the issue of the potential end of American democracy, which I believe to be more likely under a Trump administration, since Trump has consistently undermined our democratic institutions. You could imagine all sorts of nightmare scenarios where the world’s greatest powers are all authoritarian. It would be a dark world to live in, one where almost everyone would be substantially worse off. This is perhaps a 2% chance (small but not that small: after all, democracies do sometimes collapse) of half a billion lost life-equivalents. Another 10 million expected lives.
But, as I’ve argued before, decisions involving scenarios with low-probability high-stakes events are really thorny. Am I falling for some sort of fallacy here? Maybe — that’s why I left these out of the body of the post. But probabilities on the order of 1% to 2% aren’t so low: they happen all the time! It seems quite incorrect to leave these considerations out when making such decisions.↩
So, bad news. This argument has failed to convince me of the value of voting. In fact, as I’ll explain below, I’ve even updated slightly in the opposite direction, that voting is less valuable than I previously thought.
I’ll start with my most serious objection, which is that it’s not enough to estimate the value of voting, note that it’s reasonably large, and therefore conclude that you should spend your time voting. Rather, if you’re going to argue that voting is a valuable charitable intervention, you need to compare the value of voting to other possible charitable interventions you could instead spend your time on.
You argue that the effect of voting in New York is, in expectation, equal to saving 1/1000th of someone’s life. I’ll object below that this is a large overestimate, but let’s grant it for now. Givewell thinks you can save a life for $3000 – $5000, so by your calculation, voting in New York is equivalent to giving about $5 to an effective charity.
Could I spend an hour on Tuesday morning accomplishing more than $5 of good? I sure think so — I could tutor some high-schooler for $20, do some housework my roommates are willing to pay me $10 for, find some stuff I don’t want and sell it for $15 bucks, etc. and donate the money to charity. Realistically, I think I could do quite a bit more charity, more like $50 – 70 worth, if I’m really trying.
(Or alternatively, I don’t really like waking up Tuesday mornings; maybe I’ll donate $5 to the AMF to offset the harm I’m doing by not voting. In fact, let’s round it up to $10, so that I’m doing even more good than I would by voting — I’m still willing to pay that.)
Let me anticipate one objection that you may or may not want to make: “Well sure, but you weren’t actually going to do any of those things Tuesday morning. So by arguing that you should vote, I’m increasing the total amount of good you’ll do from $0 to $5.” This gets into a pretty thorny issue that touches on things like “assuming you’ve already thought about and decided on the amount you want to give to charity, should I really be arguing that you should still give more?” and “if you’re going to argue for a charitable intervention, why not argue for a more effective one?” (Empirically, someone bright like you could probably make an effective such argument!)
Rather than getting into these issues, I’ll just note that the argument “Look you have a weird disposition to do charitable good when you think you’re engaging in politics, and you can take advantage of that to do $5 worth of good that you wouldn’t otherwise do!” seems pretty distinct from your original thesis.
My second objection is that I think you’ve overestimated the value of a vote. It looks like you’ve listed a bunch of ways Biden is better than Trump, estimated the added value due to those things, and not seriously tried to think about (1) your uncertainty that you’re right about Biden being better on these things, (2) ways that Trump could be better than Biden, or (3) uncertainty about other factors you haven’t thought of.
(To be clear, I also think Trump is way, way worse than Biden but, after accounting for uncertainty over how good of a decision maker I am, the expected amount by which I think Trump is way, way worse seems to be significantly lower than your estimate.)
Here are a few possibilities that I think are likely enough that they need to be accounted for (though I wouldn’t say I believe any of them are true with >50% probability):
– Trump is better for the U.S. economy, thereby improving the lives of (tens of) millions.
– Through is better for the world economy, thereby improving the lives of billions.
– Trump is better at preventing the world from falling into an authoritarian attractor state (for example, because he’s tougher on China).
– Climate change is long-run very good for humanity (e.g. by increasing the amount of habitable land).
(Again, on net I think all these things are false. But they’re very consequential if true, and I think they all have nontrivial probabilities.)
And then there’s all the butterfly-effect stuff that could have an enormous impact, but is really hard for us to predict. These should tend to move our probability distribution on who is better closer to 50/50.
As you allude to in passing during the post, I think a better way to estimate the value of a vote is to estimate the order of magnitude of how important the outcome of the election is (e.g. electing the better candidate will save ~1 million lives), and take some conservative guess about how good you are at picking the better candidate. I think I have about a 65% chance of picking the better candidate in this election (which is quite high: in a normal election, my estimate would be more like 55%). So if my vote decides the election I’ll have saved .65*(1 million) – .35*(1 million) = 300,000 lives.
I said at the start that I’m updating against voting being a good use of time. Why? Well, up until now I don’t think the arguments that I should vote have been very convincing. But also, I haven’t seen anyone try to make particularly good argument. However, you are a person I would expect to make a top-tier argument for voting, if such an argument existed. The fact that your argument doesn’t seem very good to me makes me think it more likely that no such good argument exists. Sorry
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For the record, I still am glad that you wrote this argument down, and I still place high value on political arguments you make — your post on your endorsements for the Democratic primary changed my mind. (At least, after you clarified some things in the comments — I kept meaning to go back and declare that your reply to my comment resolved the issues I brought up, but kept forgetting 😛 )
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Thanks for the honest feedback — I appreciate it! I’ll respond point by point:
– With regard to your point that if I’m arguing in favor of voting as a form of charity, I should be comparing it to the counterfactual charitable action, point taken; I agree. I now believe that *effective altruists in safe states* probably don’t have a compelling reason to prioritize voting. But, do you buy the arguments I made in the footnote? If so, that at least makes it close: if you buy them entirely, a vote in New York is probably worth more like a year of a person’s life, which is like $30 donated to the AMF rather than $3.
– I agree as well with your point about uncertainty reducing the expected benefit. For what it’s worth, the entire thing is a Fermi estimate, and I think it moves things by less than an order of magnitude. I’m more than 65% sure that Biden is better than Trump, though. (By this I mean that I’m more than 65% sure that if I were perfectly rational and knowledgeable about policy, but couldn’t predict the future, I’d favor Biden in the election.) It seems that Trump breaks with the expert consensus way more than Biden, and I think that’s the best heuristic we have. But, I could buy that my estimates are too large by a factor of 2 for this reason. (That’s for this presidential election. For a typical election I think the discount factor should be much larger than 2, because policies typically are within the range of expert consensus.)
– Your point about the butterfly effect is an interesting one, but I think it’s wrong. Here are two possible models:
(1) There are tons of factors that are unaccounted for by my analysis, and in expectation these factors are neutral. In this case, yes, the overall *ratio* of good to bad goes to 50/50, but the *expected difference* is what I calculated it to be, and I think that’s what matters.
(2) The fact that Biden is better than Trump (in my estimation) on things I know about makes it more likely that he’s better than Trump on things I don’t know about. In that case, unaccounted-for factors should make the gap grow larger (and the percentage gap to stay the same).
I think reality is probably somewhere between (1) and (2).
(By the way, let’s say that upon first blush you believe that Biden and Trump are equally good (various factors cancel out). A reasonable model here is that each factor you consider is an independent random variable. Then the sum of all the random variables is proportional to the square root of how many there are, and that’s huge! This is an argument in favor of doing research and voting if you’re not sure, though I don’t think it’s a very strong argument because it’s really hard to figure out who’s right on any given issue.)
I’m wondering whether you’re persuaded that voting is worthwhile *in this presidential election* *if you live in a swing state*. Because while I think you’ve made successful arguments without those two caveats, I believe my argument for this narrower proposition holds quite well.
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I agree that voting is worthwhile in this presidential election if you live in a swing state. But I already thought that (and I’m guessing most other people thought so too)! The surprising thing that you were arguing was that no matter where you live, “your vote matters — way more than you think.” But for me — and I’m guessing for most other people — an estimate that my vote does $5 worth of good is not way more than I thought, and might even be less than I thought.
In other words, I think there’s a disconnect between what we agree your calculation shows, and the emphatic way you’ve summarized it.
Reading between the lines, it seems like you might endorse something like, “For effective altruists, who shop for opportunities to do good on the open market, it’s reasonable to price ‘saving a month of someone’s life’ at $5. But for non-effective altruists, price conversions like this are not reasonable.” If so, you might still be able to justify your framing: saving a month of someone’s life is probably much more good than many people are likely to do, even when they’re trying!
However, intuitively this seems wrong to me. Suppose we have Alice the Effective Altruist and Harry the selfish Hedonist, both of whom live in safe states. Alice donates money effectively and does a lot of good. She considers voting to be an ineffective form of charity, so she doesn’t do it and instead stays home watching TV. This probably doesn’t bother either of us. Harry never does any charity, and he also stays home and election day watching TV because that’s what he wants. I’m not especially upset at him either, or at least I don’t judge him any more negatively than I already did due to his non-charitable lifestyle. He and Alice both selfishly opted not to do the same amount of good; it sort of doesn’t matter that Harry had a history of never doing good before.
I’ve tried to think of more rigorous ways to justify this intuition and come up blank, though. So I’m curious whether you disagree.
On the butterfly effect: yeah, I want to retract what I said about that. Thinking more about what I was trying to say, I’ve come up with this. Because of chaotic dynamics and stuff, the far future is really hard to predict, the further the harder. So the farther in the future we go from now, the less confident we should be the the world conditional on Biden winning is better than the world conditional on Trump winning. To massively simplify, let’s pretend that starting at the year 3020, we have no idea whether things will be better conditional on a Trump or Biden win, but before the year 3020, we have pretty good guesses. That means that when doing our utilitarian calculus, we should only account for “immediate effects” i.e. those in the next 1000 years. And we shouldn’t say “Well I think that the Mars colony in the year 12020 will go much better if we elect Biden” because the year 12020 is just too hard to predict.
Initially, I think I was confused and thought that considerations like this should move my confidence that I’m picking the best candidate towards 50-50. But I think that’s wrong, and instead I should leave my confidence the same, but decrease the magnitude of the effect (by not including far-future people in my calculation of how much better Biden is). Fortunately, it seems like that’s what you did, so objection retracted.
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Hmm… so regarding the “way more than you think” summary, I was pretty surprised that my vote was worth a month of someone’s life! (Like yeah, you can phrase it as $5 donated to an EA organization, but that’s surprisingly effective too — that’s the whole point :P). If forced to guess solely on intuition, I would have maybe guessed 100 times less than that. It’s true that maybe I should have written “way more than I think”, but I’m at least somewhat confident that “a month of someone’s life” is more than how much most people would guess a vote in New York matters.
Is Harry the selfish hedonist the right person to talk about? Perhaps the right person is Inez the ineffective altruist. If people seek a certain amount of “feeling good about their actions” (so the amount of time/money they spent doing altruistic things is held constant), then replacing ineffective altruism with moderately effective altruism seems like a good trade. Does that make sense, or am I missing your point?
With regard to far future stuff… yeah, I’m not sure, I have no idea how to think about it. I think you’re probably right, but I’m not sure. The reason I’m not sure is that the future is (potentially) really really big. If the future had as many people as the present, I’m pretty sure you’d be right; but if the future has a quadrillion people, then maybe the far future does dominate considerations about present elections.
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“For example, as a New York voter I only have a one in 2 billion chance of deciding the election.”
I know you’re citing The Economist’s model for this figure, but this instinctively felt many orders of magnitude too high to me. It seems like a lot of your argument hinges on this number being ballpark right, e.g. if it’s a factor of a million too high, then voting in NY only saves 3 seconds of someone’s life (given all your other assumptions).
I think the correlation between states makes it far too unlikely (i.e. way worse than 1 in 2 billion) that both of the following happen: (1) New York’s ~7.4 million votes are split such that one vote is decisive and (2) Joe Biden wins between 240 and 268 electoral votes (inclusive) among all other states. I’m going to try to talk about the two probabilities below, but to summarize, I think my instinct was right and that this economic argument about the likelihood of flipping the presidential election is actually a strong argument that your vote in the presidential election is worth basically zero expectancy dollars or lives if you live in a large number of states (including but definitely not limited to New York, California, Massachusetts, and New Jersey). That’s not to say there aren’t other arguments for voting, but this particular argument actually goes the other way if you live in a lopsided state.
On estimating #1, Biden leads by ~30% in New York. Eyeballing the error bounds, this is a 3-4 standard deviation lead according to The Economist or FiveThirtyEight. Let’s call it 3 then, so a standard deviation of Biden’s popular vote in NY is 5%. Assuming there are 7.4 million total votes, 1 vote is 1.35*10^(-7) of the total = 2.7*10^(-6) standard deviations. So for a single vote to be decisive in NY, we need between a 3 to (3 + 2.7*10^(-6)) standard deviation event to occur. This gave me 1.2*10^(-8), i.e. 1 in 84 million.
I don’t really have a good back of the envelope way to estimate #2 conditional on #1. But to get to 1 in 2 billion overall for the product of the two, you’d have to somehow get that the probability Biden wins between 240 and 268 electoral votes outside of NY given NY was a virtual tie is on the order of 4%. To illustrate this point a different way, for Biden to win [240, 268] electoral votes outside of NY, he basically has to win states in which he only has a 3-4% lead (e.g. Florida) despite nearly losing a state in which he has a 15% lead. For there to be a 15% polling error in NY, there’s almost certainly a >4% polling error in the same direction in Florida because the errors are correlated (e.g. maybe there were more ’embarrassed Trump voters’ that weren’t counted in surveys, or one of Biden’s key demographics simply didn’t turn out, or etc.). I would actually probably guess the probability of #2 conditional on #1 by itself is a far worse than 1 in 2 billion chance.
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Thanks for the thoughts. Instead of engaging with your argument directly (which seems reasonable, though you’re assuming that errors are normally distributed, whereas in reality they’re fatter-tailed than that, so tail events are more likely), I’ll make the meta point that if one calculation (the Economist model) gives one probability and one calculation gives another probability, and you’re uncertain which calculation is right, you should take a weighted average of the probabilities (with weights corresponding to how much faith you have in the calculations).
So if I think that with probability 25% the Economist is right and it’s 1 in 2 billion and with probability 75% you’re right and it’s negligible, then my best guess is 1 in 8 billion.
But, I’m sort of inclined to defer to the Economist forecast on this, since they’ve put a lot of thought into it. (If FiveThirtyEight had numbers I’d trust those more, but as far as I know they don’t publish those this year. They have in past elections.)
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Sorry to completely necro this but some hindsight thoughts:
1) Update – on this part: I only read the comments above on the Butterfly effect later so the following is kind of moot. But I’d argue that just because it’s really really really hard to quantify later effects (does electing Biden improve the Mars colony in 1000 years) doesn’t mean we should ignore them and especially doesn’t mean we should think it’s a 50/50 decision. It’s weird because there is no good estimate for super-in-the-future events – and no good estimate doesn’t mean 50/50 but if we ignore it we effectively treat it as a 50/50 issue.
Trying to quantify the effects of an voting in an election is really hard, and I think specifically quantifying it in terms of first-order lives saved isn’t necessarily the most fruitful endeavor, since I think it misses out on a lot of impacts of voting. There’s a myriad of damages that aren’t easily explained by lives saved, especially when measuring the quality of life (i.e. how many people with COVID don’t die but develop health complications, how does weakening environmental regulations not only kill, but also affect the increased impact of natural disasters causing economic/housing upheaval) as well as attempting to consider secondary effects (i.e. rejecting scientific conclusions for coronavirus, vaccines, the environment all have a death toll, but also further inflame & cement anti-scientific skepticism & ignorance that can cascade – eroding the trust of people in experts and institutions. upending foreign relations, alliances, and partnerships has lasting implications for global cooperation on issues of defense, climate, etc. and can/has lead to skepticism on the stability of the US on a global scale).
if you strongly hold the belief that lives saved is the correct objective function to optimize for, the above are all secondary effects that probably indirectly have impact on that (there’s probably not a good consensus on the measurable effect of this since there are so many potential secondary effects that (a) it is not worth the resources/there are not enough resources to even attempt measuring all of these, but (b) even if a lot are pure speculation and don’t manifest at all, there probably is at least something we’re not measuring just by taking in secondary effects. Yeah, the impact on our weaker foreign relations almost definitely cause nuclear war or upend climate agreement negotiations forever, but there are effects & they do proliferate to some extent & eventually can be measured in lives lost.
If you don’t buy into the overall objective function for ethical decision-making being lives lost, this makes it even more straightforward – things like undermining confidence in foreign relations, in scientific findings, are themselves very very bad!. And especially their impact on /quality/ of human of life is very very bad. (Personally, I think the impact of measuring things in lives lost is also now lost on me given how many statistics can put the cost of saving a life in $ terms to be very low)
2)
As a side-note, if you believe your vote also counts toward the legitimate mandate of the people, it gives credence to the decisions being made. I think a lot of people don’t really care about this but I think this is especially true with reinforcing trust in the mandate. Especially for those in solidly blue/red states, if you care about the “voice” of your vote, it has marginal impact in how much people trust the decisions made
Elections aren’t perfect systems & there are small-scale miscounts and errors, and if you think of vote-counting not as a deterministic process (which it ideally would be) but rather an outcome of a low-variance distribution, this has significant effects. Given the current situation with Trump spreading blatantly false claims of fraud, the marginal vote has a large impact in being able to confidently project a state’s result (more so than it does than in just actually knowing who won a state) which is important for trust in governmental institutions, and makes costly things like legal procedures and recounts, less likely to be taken/unnecessary. I guess it’d be something along the lines of there being a cost to determine the “true outcome” of an election, but given how there are some laws governing how close an election can be to justify a recount, it seems like the marginal vote has potential to save a headache (though this still primarily applies to swing states, I guess). And Another random thought on secondary effects: saving the money for recounts/lawsuits could free up money & labor that can be put toward more productive practices, perhaps.
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